Executive Summary: Transcaucasian States

For one thing, the area by the 1920s had been subsumed within the Soviet Empire (USSR) first as the TSFSR, and later as separate, nominally autonomous Soviet republics. and then occidental politymakers had no need, reason, or opportunity to craft a specific policy toward the region; the region was simply pop of the USSR.

However, leash developments in recent years have caused a revolution in westerlyern policy toward the region. First, the breakup of the USSR, ass embrocate by the early 1990s, meant that Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia re-entered the international arena as independent states. No longer would the interests of the region be correspond internationally by Moscow. Second, and as a consequence of this independence, the immense Transcaucasian oil fields came under the national sovereignty of the pertly independent Transcaucasian states. Finally, the events of September 11 have brought the Transcaucasian states into sharp focussing due to their position on the northern boundary of the Moslem world. The global war on terrorism has consequently impact the region, with US troops present in all iii countries and the Al-Q'da network active in neighboring Chechnya.

Oil is the intimately salient of those issues. The USSR had been the world's largest producer and exporter of petroleum, and Moscow's capacity for petroleum production derived i

Therefore a clearer set of policy objectives should be formulated. First, the United States should seek stability in the three states. This could be accomplished in the long run by establishing and sustaining representative democracy. The West should not emphasize short-term acquire for its oil interests; it should also recognize that both westerly oil companies and the governments of the region will prosper once stability has been achieved.

However, emotionlessness to and ignorance of the fib of the region on the part of the United States (and Western powers in general) have led many observers to comment that the West has crafted a clumsy and ineffective policy in Transcaucasia.

The demerits of the West's surface are discoverable when one considers that the region only deep came onto Western policymakers' radar screens, so to speak, and some period of version is therefore to be expected. But these growing pains could be alleviated through an understanding of the history of the region; hence policies crafted in the absence of such an understanding are not likely to succeed. It is therefore necessary to examine the political history of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, both individually and collectively, if effective policy is to be formulated. This interrogation will need to address the hopes and fears of these states in order to understand their motivations and craft the sort of win-win policy relationships that will form the introduction for useful and productive relations between the West and Transcaucasia in the future.

n large measure from its dominion over the Transcaucasian region. Suddenly, upon the USSR's breakup, Western policymakers were confronted not only with the need to form relations with the fresh states, but also with the need to address the new energy-security situation. The last mentioned concern, so important to the West, has pulled many nations from geopolitical obscurity to mettle stage, including those of the Transcaucasian region.

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